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Intersectionality theorists and researchers suggest the importance of examining unique stereotypes associated with intersecting group identities. We focus on the unique stereotypes of Black women in the United States related to sexuality and motherhood. In an online experimental study, undergraduates from a Northeastern U.

White and pregnancy status pregnant vs. A Black female target pregnant or not was perceived more negatively on items related to historically rooted societal stereotypes about sexual activity, sexual risk, motherhood status, and socioeconomic status than was a White female target, but there were no differences Ebony women wanting get a hooker items unrelated to societal stereotypes.

A Black target described as pregnant was also perceived as more likely to be a single mother and to need public assistance than was a White target described as pregnant. Current findings, along with evidence that societal stereotypes have damaging effects, underscore the importance of diversifying images of Black women and increasing awareness of how stereotypes affect perceptions of Black women. Findings also highlight the value of research employing intersectionality to understand stereotypes. Societal stereotypes Ebony women wanting get a hooker a wide range of social groups persist in the United States, are promoted or reinforced through the mass media, and can have numerous detrimental consequences e.

The majority of research studies on stereotypes have focused on single identities, such as that of a marginalized racial or ethnic group or a gender group. However, as intersectionality theory suggests e. Because of this focus, the research referenced throughout this article and the study participants are from the United States. The U. Department of Health and Human Services, There is increasing evidence that stereotypes and discrimination play an important role in these sexual and reproductive health outcomes e. Examining these unique stereotypes is also important more broadly, because the assumptions people make about Black women have a wide range of implications for the ways that Black women are treated in our society e.

In the current investigation, we conducted an experiment with a large sample of undergraduates attending a university in the Northeastern United States.

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This investigation draws on the work of Black feminist theorists and intersectionality theory e. We sought to examine the stereotypes people have about Black women related to their sexuality and motherhood and how those stereotypes affect perceptions of Black women who are pregnant or whose pregnancy status is not known.

Even if stereotypes reflect some amount of reality, they can lead to inaccurate overgeneralizations to all members of a group and Ebony women wanting get a hooker ignoring other important information about individuals, with a variety of adverse consequences e.

We are all exposed to, and learn, societal stereotypes about groups. Although individuals with low levels of prejudice often consciously try to avoid the activation and application of stereotypes, even those individuals demonstrate automatic stereotype activation when cognitive resources are limited e.

Thus, stereotypes have important consequences in many realms of life. There is evidence that when health-care professionals, consciously or unconsciously, hold stereotypes, their attitudes can lead to discrimination Ebony women wanting get a hooker provision of care and in health outcomes for patients, contributing to health disparities Shavers et al.

Research demonstrating how stereotypes affect Ebony women wanting get a hooker and other decision-making highlights the importance of identifying unique stereotypes of Black women in the United States. Whereas there is already much research documenting stereotypes that exist about various social groups and the consequences of those stereotypes, the majority of this research has focused on single identities.

We have very limited understanding of the unique stereotypes of groups with multiple marginalized identities, including Black women. We use intersectionality as a framework because it is particularly relevant to understanding stereotypes about Black women and their sexual and reproductive health outcomes.

Intersectionality draws our attention to the importance of multiple intersecting identities e. Intersectionality also highlights that the roots of stereotypes are in historical and contemporary systemic oppression e. It also offers a strong framework of theory and research that has delineated the unique stereotypes and other historical and contemporary experiences of Black women e. Intersectionality theory grows out of an activist tradition that impels us not only to document the existence of stereotypes and their connections to consequences such as adverse health outcomes, but also to use the research we conduct to advocate for social and structural change to reduce those stereotypes and other manifestations of oppression Alexander-Floyd, ; Rosenthal,which is imperative given the large and persistent sexual and reproductive health disparities faced by Black women CDC, ; Martin et al.

Certain stereotypes of Black women are similar to, or the same as, stereotypes of Black men or White women, but there are also unique stereotypes of Black women that are not applied to Black men or to White women. The mammy archetype is the image of an unattractive Black mother who is strong and content in her caregiving role for many children, in the service of White slave owners or White employers. An understanding of these archetypes requires an intersectional analysis of the multiple stereotypical images of Black women that are distinct from those of Black men and White women, and the connection of these stereotypes to historical and contemporary structural oppression of Black women.

There is evidence that Black women are aware of Ebony women wanting get a hooker stereotypes about them and have experiences during which others perceive or treat them differently, based on those stereotypes. There also is evidence that the archetypes associated with Black women continue to be relevant; research shows that current stereotypes of Black women have close connections with the historical, stereotypical archetypes or images e. For example, Donovan found Ebony women wanting get a hooker Black women, compared to White women, were stereotyped as stronger and more domineering, consistent with the sapphire archetype.

All these perceptions are consistent with the welfare queen archetype. Although the study was not specifically focused on stereotypes about sexuality and motherhood, the indicated that there are indeed unique stereotypes about Black women in these domains that emerged spontaneously and that are consistent with the archetypes identified above.

To the best of our knowledge, no research to date has examined pregnancy as another identity or status that may by itself, or in combination with other identities or statuses such as race, contribute to stereotypes about women. These changes are prominent topics of concern to pregnant women e. Pregnant women are often treated distinctively by others, sometimes with particular kindness but also sometimes with disapproval and denigration especially if a pregnant woman is young or singleinfantilizing e.

Pregnancy, motherhood, and caregiving are also particularly important themes connected to the historical stereotyping of Black American women, as demonstrated in the sapphire and welfare queen archetypes; the theme of sexual promiscuity, demonstrated in the jezebel archetype, is also connected to the potential for pregnancy.

Thus, the intersecting role of pregnancy status with race is critical to fully understand unique stereotypes of Black women; we examine these stereotypes in the current investigation. We selected items related to these themes because of their relevance to sexual and reproductive health as well as their connections to the historical and contemporary stereotypes of Black women described above. Based on the stereotypes of Black American women about sexuality and motherhood that are connected to the jezebel and welfare queen archetypes, we hypothesized that a Black female target would be more likely to be perceived by participants as sexually promiscuous engaging in more sexual activityengaging in more unprotected sexual activity, currently having children or having been pregnant in the past, and having lower socioeconomic status, than a White female target.

We did not expect to find differences in these perceptions because they are not connected to historically rooted stereotypical images of Black women and have not been found in more recent research on stereotypes of Black women e. In addition, based on the stereotypes of Black American women that are specific to motherhood, and thus most relevant to pregnancy, we hypothesized that a pregnant Black female target would be more likely to be perceived by participants as being a single mother not having the father involved and needing public assistance than a pregnant White female target, but that there would not be any differences in perceptions about her health behaviors during pregnancy.

We also examined main effects of pregnancy status as well as interactions between the race and pregnancy status of the target. Although we did not have specific hypotheses about interactions, we explored whether pregnancy status is another identity or a status that interacts with race in contributing to stereotypical perceptions of women.

Our experimental de, in which everything about the target woman is the same, except for random asment to variations on her race and pregnancy status, also allowed us to tease apart stereotypes that are specific to these identities. Although our focus is specifically on stereotypes of Black women, we chose to compare perceptions of a Black female target to a White female target to verify that these stereotypes are indeed unique to Black women and not applied to women more broadly. The current investigation was deed to make several contributions to the existing literature.

This study draws on intersectionality theory to focus on unique stereotypes about Black women due to the intersection of gender and race that are related to sexuality and motherhood. It moves beyond documenting whether people are aware of existing stereotypes of Black women and investigates whether people apply stereotypes in making judgments about Black women, and whether the stereotypes are applied broadly to all judgments or selectively applied based on the specificity of historically rooted societal stereotypes.

Thus, the final analytic sample included participants or Participants reflected the composition of the campus population or Participants received psychology subject pool credit. Then they were randomly ased to one of the four conditions. In all conditions, participants viewed an image of a target woman named Jasmine and read a brief description of her.

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Race of the target woman was manipulated by displaying an image at the top of each survey in which the target was Black or White. Pregnancy status of the target woman was manipulated by a brief description. Then, please answer the following questions, based on your thoughts about Jasmine. Participants then answered several sociodemographic questions. The institutional review board at the university where the study was conducted approved Ebony women wanting get a hooker procedures. Participants completed the following questions after viewing the image and description of the target woman, in the order described below.

However, removing them from the analyses did not change the overall pattern of findings. Mean responses to all questions by condition are in Table 1. To test our hypotheses about unique stereotypes about Black women, we used multivariate analysis of variance MANOVA to test for main effects of race and pregnancy status of the target, and interactions between race and pregnancy status of the target for all of the questions that were asked of participants in all four conditions.

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To understand these interactions, we ran two follow-up MANOVAs examining the main effects of race of target separately for a pregnant target versus a target for whom no information about pregnancy status was given. Focusing specifically on the 3 items for which there were ificant interactions between race and pregnancy status of the target whether she has been pregnant before, whether it is a good idea for her to be a mother right now, and whether she will follow the instructions her doctor told her Ebony women wanting get a hooker, we looked at the effects of race separately for the pregnant and the no pregnancy information target.

When the target was pregnant, participants rated the Black target as more likely to have been pregnant before than the White target. When participants were told that the target was pregnant, participants rated the Black target as less likely to follow the instructions her doctor told her than the White target. However, these interactions should be interpreted with caution, as the omnibus MANOVA for the interaction between race and pregnancy status did not reach ificance.

To further test our hypotheses about the unique stereotypes about Black pregnant women specifically, we ran another MANOVA examining the main effects of Ebony women wanting get a hooker of target for questions that only participants who rated a pregnant target were asked.

The Black target was rated as less likely than a White target to use condoms regularly, and a pregnant target was rated as more likely to be receiving some form of public assistance than a target for whom no information about pregnancy status was given. Consistent with our hypotheses, we found that among a sample of undergraduates, a Black female target, regardless of pregnancy status, was perceived as having had sex with more people in the past month, less likely to use birth control regularly during sex, more likely to have children and to have been pregnant some time in the past, more likely to receive some form of public assistance, to have lower education, and to earn less income per year than a White female target.

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These effects support our hypotheses that there are negative stereotypes about Black women related to sexuality, motherhood, and socioeconomic status that are consistent with the historical images of the jezebel and welfare queen archetypes. The Black target was not perceived more negatively in all ways but was negatively judged in ways that reflect the unique, historically-rooted stereotypes that exist of Black women in the United States.

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When participants were told that the target was pregnant, the Black pregnant target was perceived as less likely to have the father of the child involved in raising the child and more likely to need public assistance to help with their child than the White pregnant target. This result is consistent with our hypotheses regarding the unique, historically-rooted stereotypes about Black American women related to single motherhood and public assistance and related to the welfare queen archetype.

These extend prior research, build upon intersectionality theory, and provide evidence that people not only hold unique stereotypes about Black women—both pregnant and in general—that are related to sexuality and motherhood, but that these stereotypes are applied when making judgments about a Black female target. A pregnant target, regardless of race, was perceived as being more likely to be married and in a serious relationship, to have had sex with more people in her life, not to use birth control or condoms regularly during sex, and for it to be a good idea for her to be a mother.

A pregnant target overall was also perceived as less likely to be employed full-time and having less education as well as less likely to drink alcohol regularly. These findings suggest that young pregnant women are also evaluated based on distinct Ebony women wanting get a hooker, such as being more likely to be married or in a relationship, to engage in unprotected sexual behaviors, and to have lower socioeconomic status.

This offers support for our suggestion that being pregnant is itself a type of identity or status that elicits distinct perceptions by others. Although we should interpret these findings with caution due to non-ificance of the omnibus test, they support the idea that pregnancy Ebony women wanting get a hooker an identity or status that interacts with race to elicit unique stereotypes.

A Black target tended to be viewed more negatively on these particular items only when she was pregnant, suggesting that pregnancy interacts with race to create a unique vulnerability to negative stereotypes for Black women. The main effects of target race on items about a pregnant target also reinforce the idea that pregnancy makes a key contribution to stereotypes about Black women, which is consistent with the historically rooted mammy, jezebel, and welfare queen archetypes. Further, pregnancy is an important part of these stereotypes.

Our findings corroborate and extend past research and support claims about the importance of intersectionality as a framework for understanding societal stereotypes and other experiences of stigmatization of Black women, in addition to other groups.

To avoid these pitfalls, we drew on the interdisciplinary work of Black feminist scholar-activists who have focused on the historical and contemporary oppression of Black women to inform the stereotypes we studied. Moreover, we suggest that current study findings not only be considered a documentation of existing stereotypes of Black women related to sexuality and motherhood, but along with other past and current interdisciplinary research, be considered a call to action.

Our study also supports the continuing need to increase awareness of the influence that stereotypes have on perceptions of Black women and to help people learn how to work toward reducing that influence and respond to Black women in more socially just ways. Our manipulation of pregnancy status was merely a one-sentence description.

Future work might examine whether stronger effects are Ebony women wanting get a hooker with pregnancy status manipulated by visual cues, such as having images of women with and without a visibly pregnant belly. Indeed, some of our past work has found that day-to-day experiences with discrimination that young pregnant women of color face, change over the course of pregnancy and postpartum, at times when visual cues of pregnancy e.

Future work also might compare perceptions of Black and White women who are either pregnant or not to perceptions of Black and White men who are either expecting to become a parent or not, to study the role that the intersections of race and gender play in stereotyping. Also, given the importance of motherhood in stereotypes about Black women, future work may want to examine motherhood as an identity or status that intersects with other identities, such as race, to affect perceptions of women.

Effect sizes were generally small in this study. It is not known how perceptions based on race and pregnancy status affect the actual treatment of women. This remains an important issue that should be explored in future research. Some e.

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The current findings offer a foundation for examining the connections of stereotypes about Black American women related to sexuality and motherhood to their sexual and reproductive health outcomes through multiple mechanisms; future research is needed to explore those connections.

Ebony women wanting get a hooker studies might examine whether the same stereotypes are found among health-care providers and other professionals who interact with women in institutional settings, and whether stereotypes have an influence on services Black women receive. It would be particularly valuable to examine whether perceptions of women affect decision-making and treatment by health-care providers.

Given the characteristics of the study sample, it is possible that the do not accurately estimate the extent of stereotyping that exists in other individuals, and the generalizability of findings should be tested in other samples. Also, controlling for socioeconomic status did not alter nor moderatebut our self-report measure of socioeconomic status used whose interpretation by participants cannot be verified, and some were chosen only by a few participants, with the majority identifying as middle class. Future research should attempt to replicate study findings in more diverse samples and using more sophisticated assessments of socioeconomic status.

Future work may benefit from using composite measures to assess these stereotypes. Although a strength of the current study is that we studied the application of stereotypes to perceptions or judgments about Black women, exactly how this translates to real-life perceptions, judgments, and treatment of Black women remains unclear.

In this tightly controlled experimental context in which participants were asked to make assumptions about a target woman, participants may have been drawing on their understanding of social and economic realities e. It is important Ebony women wanting get a hooker explore the effects of stereotypes on health outcomes. Stereotype internalization is when someone endorses stereotypes about their own group; it has been associated with various indicators of poorer well-being for numerous groups e. Stereotype threat is when someone is worried or anxious about the possibility of confirming or being judged according to stereotypes about their group; it has been found to have a variety of adverse consequences, affecting well-being, performance in the stereotyped domain e.

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